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The Last Campaign: Robert F. Kennedy and 82 Days That Inspired America

The Last Campaign: Robert F. Kennedy and 82 Days That Inspired America

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Author: Thurston Clarke
Publisher: Henry Holt and Co.
Category: Book

List Price: $25.00
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Rating: 4.5 out of 5 stars 32 reviews
Sales Rank: 1692

Media: Hardcover
Pages: 336
Number Of Items: 1
Shipping Weight (lbs): 1.3
Dimensions (in): 9.4 x 6.5 x 1.2

ISBN: 0805077928
Dewey Decimal Number: 973.922092
EAN: 9780805077926
ASIN: 0805077928

Publication Date: May 27, 2008
Availability: Usually ships in 1-2 business days
Shipping: Expedited shipping available
Shipping: International shipping available
Condition: used hardcover, missing Dust jacket, clean text throughout

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Editorial Reviews:

Amazon.com Review

Amazon Best of the Month, June 2008: When Senator Robert F. Kennedy entered the presidential race during the chaotic year of 1968, anarchy appeared to be gathering on the horizon. America was coming to grips with an unwinnable war in Vietnam and unacceptable social policies at home. The Last Campaign examines Kennedy's bold (and tragically shortened) efforts to awaken his country's social conscience and moral sensibility. In contrast to the cocksure attitude of Thirteen Days (RFK's own 1962 memoir of the Cuban Missile Crisis), Thurston Clarke reveals a very human politician who often trembled at the podium and scanned crowds for an assassin's glare. Though motivated to serve by an unwavering desire to help the poor and oppressed, Kennedy also lived with a deep fear that his life would be cut short by violence. "I'm afraid there are guns between me and the White House," he prophetically remarked during the spring of '68. Yet The Last Campaign chooses not to explore what could have been. Instead, Clarke focuses on what is certain: for an 82-day period, Kennedy "convinced millions of Americans that he was a good man, perhaps a great man." --Dave Callanan

Exclusive Q&A with Author Thurston Clarke

Kennedy during a 1967 visit to the Mississippi Delta where he found children starving in windowless shacks.

Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy and his brother, President John F. Kennedy, conferring at the White House.

Kennedy discussing the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. with press secretary Frank Mankiewicz on April 4, 1968.
Amazon.com: He was a Presidential candidate for less than 100 days - why does the name Bobby Kennedy continue to resonate today?

Clarke: The fact that he was the brother of a beloved and martyred president, and that he was also assassinated are of course important factors. But I think Bobby Kennedy continues to be relevant because he tackled issues such as race, poverty, and an ill-advised and unpopular war that remain relevant. And not only did he address these issues but he addressed them with an honesty and passion that no other president or politician has equaled since 1968.

Amazon.com: Despite his own fears, Kennedy made himself dangerously accessible to crowds. Was this an act of defiance or conviction?

Clarke: It was both defiance and conviction.

Speaking of President Johnson s bubble-topped, bulletproof limousine, he told a reporter, "I ll tell you one thing: if I m elected President, you won t find me riding around in any of those God-damned cars. We can t have that kind of country, where the President is afraid to go among the people." When his aides (who were worried about his safety throughout the campaign) urged him to spend more time campaigning from television studios and less time plunging into crowds, he told them, "There are so many people who hate me that I ve got to let the people who love me see me." Kennedy also knew that crowds revived him "like a couple of drinks," according to aide Fred Dutton and that letting people see him in person was the best way to prove that his reputation for being "ruthless" was unmerited.

Amazon.com: Hypothetical questions achingly surround Bobby Kennedy and his legacy. Did any single "What if?" occupy your thoughts as you researched this book? Kennedy campaigning in Los Angeles during 1968

Clarke: Several "What ifs" haunted me.

Kennedy had wanted to avoid going to the Ambassador Hotel on the evening of June 4, 1968 and instead watch the returns at the home of John Frankenheimer. The networks, however, protested that they needed him at the hotel for interviews and wanted to cover the victory celebration live if he won. Kennedy caved in and went to the hotel.

Kennedy always went through the crowd in a ballroom or auditorium after speaking, and became angry with aides who tried to hustle him out a back door. But on the night of his assassination, he broke his own rule and went through the hotel pantry where Sirhan Sirhan was waiting.

And what if he had won the nomination and become president? I doubt that there would have been riots at the Democratic convention in Chicago that year -- riots that helped elect Richard Nixon to the presidency and that have proven to be an albatross around the neck of Democrats for forty years. A President Robert Kennedy would have withdrawn America from Vietnam soon and there would be fewer names on the Vietnam wall. There would have been no bombing of Cambodia, Kent State, or Watergate, and so on, and so on.

Amazon.com: Kennedy's campaign strategy was fraught with risk, as one observer remarked that "he kept hammering away at the plight of the poor when there was more chance for political loss than gain." Had Bobby simply had enough with politics as usual?

Clarke: Kennedy s obsession with the plight of America s poor was more the result of his own personal experiences than any rejection of politics as usual. He had held a starving child in his arms in Mississippi. He had visited the appalling schools on Indian reservations where students learned nothing about their own culture and history. He had tramped through tenements in Brooklyn and come upon a girl whose face had been disfigured by rat bites. He believed that he had a responsibility to educate the American people about these conditions.

During a flight on his chartered campaign plane he told Sylvia Wright of Life magazine, ". . . for every two or three days that you waste time making speeches at rallies full of noise and balloons, there s usually a chance every two or three days . . . where you get a chance to teach people something; and to tell them something that they don t know because they don t have the chance to get around like I do, to take them some place vicariously that they haven t been, to show them a ghetto, or an Indian reservation." And it was moments like these, Kennedy told Wright, that made a political campaign, despite all its banalities and indignities, "worth it."

Amazon.com: In your opinion, will we ever see another Bobby Kennedy? Have we become too jaded to embrace a candidate like RFK or has campaigning simply become political theater?

Clarke: One of the aides who scheduled many of Kennedy s appearances that spring, told me, "What he did was not really that mystical. All it requires is someone who knows himself, and has some courage."



Product Description

The definitive account of Robert Kennedy’s exhilarating and tragic 1968 campaign for president—a revelatory history that is especially resonant now

After John F. Kennedy’s assassination, Robert Kennedy—formerly Jack’s no-holds-barred political warrior—almost lost hope. He was haunted by his brother’s murder, and by the nation’s seeming inabilities to solve its problems of race, poverty, and the war in Vietnam. Bobby sensed the country’s pain, and when he announced that he was running for president, the country united behind his hopes. Over the action-packed eighty-two days of his campaign, Americans were inspired by Kennedy’s promise to lead them toward a better time. And after an assassin’s bullet stopped this last great stirring public figure of the 1960s, crowds lined up along the country’s railroad tracks to say goodbye to Bobby.

With new research, interviews, and an intimate sense of Kennedy, Thurston Clarke provides an absorbing historical narrative that goes right to the heart of America’s deepest despairs—and most fiercely held dreams—and tells us more than we had understood before about this complicated man and the heightened personal, racial, political, and national dramas of his times.




Customer Reviews:   Read 27 more reviews...

5 out of 5 stars "To tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world"   May 30, 2008
Kerry Walters (Lewisburg, PA USA)
60 out of 66 found this review helpful

Less than a month into Bobby Kennedy's campaign for the 1968 Democratic presidential nomination, Martin Luther King, Jr. was gunned down. Bobby was in Indianapolis at the time, and said a few words. He didn't make a political speech. He didn't read from a script. He just said a few heartfelt words that expressed his horror at the assassination and his vision for a better nation, a nation dedicated to taming the savageness of man and making gentle the life of the world (p. 96).

In this moving, eloquently written, and well researched narrative of the 82 days of Bobby Kennedy's last campaign, Thurston Clarke provides a much-needed reminder of what presidential politics could look like but hasn't for four decades. Kennedy was a genuine progressive, a man who intensely believed that the purpose of government was to protect the least advantaged in society, to set a high moral standard, and to speak the truth courageously. As Barack Obama is quoted near the book's end, it's hard to place Kennedy in the categories that "constrain [today's presidential candidates] politically...[he wasn't] a centrist in the sense of finding a middle road" (p. 279).

Kennedy ran for president saying that he wanted to end the Vietnam war and poverty. In the process, he dared to speak unpleasant truths to the American people, something rarely done by political candidates. Kennedy's famous speech at Creighton University, in which he challenged the all-white student body about their indifference to the Vietnam war, is a typical example. "Look around you," he said. "How many black faces do you see here? How many American Indians? The fact is, if you look at any regiment or division of paratroopers in Vietnam, 45% of them are black. How can you accept this!?" (p. 190). Creighton students booed him.

Kennedy insisted that the populace which elects a president who pushes through irresponsible public and foreign policy must share moral responsibility for that policy's consequences. He recognized that unwise laws and social policies can institutionalize and legitimize violence, and called for sweeping reform (p. 108). But he also offered hope, assuring voters that they and the country had an opportunity to heal. He himself forthrightly admitted to past complicity in mistaken and even immoral political decisions, such as his early support for the Vietnam war, and humbly expressed regret (p. 45). And he assured the electorate that both they and the country could seize the moral high ground and change (p. 12).

He told the country that the existence of poverty among blacks, Chicanos, southern whites, and Native Americans was a blight, and that in allowing it to endure we mocked Thomas Jefferson's claim that the U.S. was the last, best hope. Bobby's 1967 trip to Cleveland, Mississippi, where he saw some of the country's worst poverty, shook him as nothing had since his brother's assassination, and he vowed to dedicate himself to ending it. As Cesar Chavez said, Bobby Kennedy "could see things through the eyes of the poor" (p. 79). No other presidential candidate except John Edwards has so emphasized poverty in his or her campaign.

Clarke's account of Bobby Kennedy's presidential campaign leaves the reader with mixed emotions. On the one hand, Clarke points out that a presidential candidate today could run on nearly all the issues that Bobby did because "little has been done to address them" in the 40 years since his murder (p. 280). Clarke also invites the reader to think about how different the nation would be today if Kennedy had lived and become president: the Vietnam war would've ended 6 years earlier with 20,000 fewer American casualties, for example, and Watergate wouldn't have eroded trust in government. That's the bad news. But on the other hand, Clarke reminds us, Kennedy showed that an idealist who courageously spoke truth to power could appeal to the American people--Kennedy's supporters came from all constituencies--and that Jefferson's high estimation of the country's promise needn't be empty rhetoric. That's the good news, the hopeful news.

Highly recommended.




5 out of 5 stars The Greatest Political Story of the 20th Century.....   May 28, 2008
William Skillender (Point Pleasant Beach, NJ United States)
35 out of 38 found this review helpful

With so many RFK books already out there, I was hoping that this one would be worth the wait....and it was. In great detail, we are taken back in time to a two and a half month period of 1968 that was full of incredible drama and intensity.

The chapter covering the Indianapolis speech was especially moving. I think anyone reading it would just get goose-bumps as it goes into more backround detail than was previously told. My God....that speech actually changed history in that city.

That story....and the whole book tries to tell us what IT was that Robert Kennedy had or did that made over 2 MILLION people cry or stand at attention or just look shattered as his funeral train traveled from New York to Washington. Heart-wrenching and at the same time so uplifting....that there was once a real politician who was a human being who grew and changed and could set this kind of example for the country. Highly recommended for anyone who loves history and / or incredible life-changers.




5 out of 5 stars An extraordinary achievement   June 3, 2008
Peter K. Marsh (Concord, NH USA)
37 out of 42 found this review helpful

I worked on RFK's '68 campaign and have always been interested in accounts of it. Two journalists who covered the campaign, Jack Newfield and Jules Witcover, wrote excellent memoirs about it at the time. Forty years later, one has to ask what remains to be told.

A great deal, it turns out. Mr. Clarke's account is extraordinary in its depth and balance. For me, he has recreated the time and the man better than anyone else ever has. Reading this book, for me, was like reliving the campaign, with its exultation and ultimate desolation. An extraordinary achievement.




5 out of 5 stars The timeless question....."What if?"   June 16, 2008
Jon Hunt (Old Greenwich, Ct. USA)
9 out of 10 found this review helpful

What if Robert F. Kennedy had lived to become President of the United States? It's a question that has lingered in the minds of millions of us for forty years and Thurston Clarke's terrific new book, "The Last Campaign", ends with those thoughts. By the time the reader has reached that point, a succinct and well-paced narrative has unfolded, reminding us of a time of hope and possibility. If we still marvel at the short, one thousand days of the presidency of John F. Kennedy, the eighty-two days of Bobby Kennedy's presidential campaign seem all but suspended in time.

"The Last Campaign" follows a necessary timeline...Kennedy's entry into the race in mid-March, LBJ's withdrawal on March 31, the assassination of Martin Luther King a few days later and the intense primary season of May and early June. Clarke looks at the campaign from all angles and tells a remarkable story. Kennedy loved to be with children and Native Americans, preferred large, boisterous crowds to small ones and disliked speaking to university audiences. His ruthless reputation, earned from his days working with Joseph McCarthy and later as Attorney General, softened in the spring of 1968, as if he had finally been released to be himself. Indeed, Clarke points out that the most exhilarating times of the campaign were at the beginning and right at the end.

The author is careful to include much of the relevant political scene that spring. Eugene McCarthy, who had the support of the young idealists and who was a man RFK loathed, was his chief rival, but Hubert Humphrey loomed large and had the support of the party establishment. But it was the New York senator, (with the help of the "honorary" Kennedys... those linked to RFK through marriage and politics) who put a personal stamp on the issues of the day and who had the engaging touch reflected in his primary wins in Indiana, Nebraska, South Dakota and California.

It is noted in the book that many of today's campaign issues are not all that different from 1968...an unpopular war and an even more unpopular president and race relations, to name just two. Speculation will always be the order of the day when it comes to thinking about what a Robert F. Kennedy presidency might have been like, but Thurston Clarke has laid down the groundwork for what that might have been, and in doing so, has given us a lasting tribute to Robert F. Kennedy and his final political endeavor.



5 out of 5 stars "What if" -- The question still haunts us today   June 25, 2008
W. Capodanno (Bellevue, WA)
6 out of 6 found this review helpful

I was born in 1970 so don't have first hand perspective of the 60s or RFKs presidential campaign. However, I've always been fascinated by the decade, one of the most tumultuous, calamitous and important decades in our country's history. While many figures loom large over the 60s, one can make the case that the two figures who loom largest over that decade are MLK and RFK. They carried the hope and promise that JFK ushered in with his presidency until the latter part of the decade and their assassinations slammed shut that optimism a mere two months apart.

Clarke does a masterful job capturing the gestalt of the time pitch perfectly and the impact of RFKs presidential campaign through the course of those 82 days. To start, one must realize the difference in presidential elections today vs. this time period. The primaries were not nearly as important as they are today. The political machine still dominated the party selection process and Kennedy faced near insurmountable challenges as he entered the race from the Democratic party establishment. He recognized that he had to basically hit a home run in the remaining primaries to convince delegates to turn their support to him because of popular support of Democratic votes. May of the establishment viewed him as "ruthless" and "opportunistic" and we see how this was reinforced after McCarthy's surprise showing in New Hampshire and Kennedy's decision to jump in the race soon after that. I found Clarke's account of Kennedy's announcement and first speech at Kansas State moving. Today, politicians stump speeches are carefully crafted, crowds controlled to ensure no hostile questions and control so tight to prevent any extemporaneous occurrence that might spread like wildfire across the internet. Kansas State was not that environment and Kennedy demonstrated the traits and attributes during that night that would make his improbable run to the Presidency become an almost certain nomination as he won the California primary (and started to convince the party machine that he should be the Democratic nominee).

Clarke captures all the inherent contradictions of RFK -- his strengths, weaknesses -- and one gets a close personal "ride" through the whirlwind campaign trail. We see an RFK haunted by JFK's assassination and the realization that the same fate might befall him. (Clarke shares moments of balloons popping or other similar situations that caused RFK to recoil as if a gun was shot) We witness Kennedy's disdain for public speaking, comfort with the poor and under-privileged, moral conviction about race and poverty as central campaign themes, in spite of the advice of his advisers. We relive his campaign and amazing victory in Indiana - including the night of April 4th in Indianapolis when he stood in front of an African-American crowd in the inner city (a place the police refused to go to provide him protection that night) and probably was as big a reason Indianapolis was spared the riots that broke out across almost all other major American cities.

I wish this book didn't end - then again, that is much similar to the legacy that RFK left and especially his presidential campaign. We are left wondering what if to many questions - knowing that if RFK had lived, certainly the course of the following months of 1968 would have been different, maybe even the next four or eight years. Hope and optimism would give way to despair and disillusionment - more violence and death in Southeast Asia and at Kent State, Watergate - and we are forced to relive those 82 days and only imagine "What if".


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