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The Post-American World

The Post-American World

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Author: Fareed Zakaria
Publisher: W. W. Norton
Category: Book

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Rating: 4.0 out of 5 stars 140 reviews
Sales Rank: 111

Media: Hardcover
Pages: 288
Number Of Items: 1
Shipping Weight (lbs): 1.1
Dimensions (in): 9.6 x 6.2 x 1.3

ISBN: 039306235X
Dewey Decimal Number: 303.49
EAN: 9780393062359
ASIN: 039306235X

Publication Date: May 5, 2008
Availability: Usually ships in 1-2 business days

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Editorial Reviews:

Amazon.com Review
Book Description
"This is not a book about the decline of America, but rather about the rise of everyone else." So begins Fareed Zakaria's important new work on the era we are now entering. Following on the success of his best-selling The Future of Freedom, Zakaria describes with equal prescience a world in which the United States will no longer dominate the global economy, orchestrate geopolitics, or overwhelm cultures. He sees the "rise of the rest"?the growth of countries like China, India, Brazil, Russia, and many others?as the great story of our time, and one that will reshape the world. The tallest buildings, biggest dams, largest-selling movies, and most advanced cell phones are all being built outside the United States. This economic growth is producing political confidence, national pride, and potentially international problems. How should the United States understand and thrive in this rapidly changing international climate? What does it mean to live in a truly global era? Zakaria answers these questions with his customary lucidity, insight, and imagination.


Thomas Friedman and Fareed Zakaria: Author One-to-One

Fareed Zakaria: Your book is about two things, the climate crisis and also about an American crisis. Why do you link the two? Fareed Zakaria

Thomas Friedman: You're absolutely right--it is about two things. The book says, America has a problem and the world has a problem. The world's problem is that it's getting hot, flat and crowded and that convergence--that perfect storm--is driving a lot of negative trends. America's problem is that we've lost our way--we've lost our groove as a country. And the basic argument of the book is that we can solve our problem by taking the lead in solving the world's problem.

Zakaria: Explain what you mean by "hot, flat and crowded."

Friedman: There is a convergence of basically three large forces: one is global warming, which has been going on at a very slow pace since the industrial revolution; the second--what I call the flattening of the world--is a metaphor for the rise of middle-class citizens, from China to India to Brazil to Russia to Eastern Europe, who are beginning to consume like Americans. That's a blessing in so many ways--it's a blessing for global stability and for global growth. But it has enormous resource complications, if all these people--whom you've written about in your book, The Post American World--begin to consume like Americans. And lastly, global population growth simply refers to the steady growth of population in general, but at the same time the growth of more and more people able to live this middle-class lifestyle. Between now and 2020, the world's going to add another billion people. And their resource demands--at every level--are going to be enormous. I tell the story in the book how, if we give each one of the next billion people on the planet just one sixty-watt incandescent light bulb, what it will mean: the answer is that it will require about 20 new 500-megawatt coal-burning power plants. That's so they can each turn on just one light bulb!

Zakaria: In my book I talk about the "rise of the rest" and about the reality of how this rise of new powerful economic nations is completely changing the way the world works. Most everyone's efforts have been devoted to Kyoto-like solutions, with the idea of getting western countries to reduce their carbon dioxide emissions. But I grew to realize that the West was a sideshow. India and China will build hundreds of coal-fire power plants in the next ten years and the combined carbon dioxide emissions of those new plants alone are five times larger than the savings mandated by the Kyoto accords. What do you do with the Indias and Chinas of the world?

Thomas FriedmanFriedman: I think there are two approaches. There has to be more understanding of the basic unfairness they feel. They feel like we sat down, had the hors d'oeuvres, ate the entree, pretty much finished off the dessert, invited them for tea and coffee and then said, "Let's split the bill." So I understand the big sense of unfairness--they feel that now that they have a chance to grow and reach with large numbers a whole new standard of living, we're basically telling them, "Your growth, and all the emissions it would add, is threatening the world's climate." At the same time, what I say to them--what I said to young Chinese most recently when I was just in China is this: Every time I come to China, young Chinese say to me, "Mr. Friedman, your country grew dirty for 150 years. Now it's our turn." And I say to them, "Yes, you're absolutely right, it's your turn. Grow as dirty as you want. Take your time. Because I think we probably just need about five years to invent all the new clean power technologies you're going to need as you choke to death, and we're going to come and sell them to you. And we're going to clean your clock in the next great global industry. So please, take your time. If you want to give us a five-year lead in the next great global industry, I will take five. If you want to give us ten, that would be even better. In other words, I know this is unfair, but I am here to tell you that in a world that's hot, flat and crowded, ET--energy technology--is going to be as big an industry as IT--information technology. Maybe even bigger. And who claims that industry--whose country and whose companies dominate that industry--I think is going to enjoy more national security, more economic security, more economic growth, a healthier population, and greater global respect, for that matter, as well. So you can sit back and say, it's not fair that we have to compete in this new industry, that we should get to grow dirty for a while, or you can do what you did in telecommunications, and that is try to leap-frog us. And that's really what I'm saying to them: this is a great economic opportunity. The game is still open. I want my country to win it--I'm not sure it will.

Zakaria: I'm struck by the point you make about energy technology. In my book I'm pretty optimistic about the United States. But the one area where I'm worried is actually ET. We do fantastically in biotech, we're doing fantastically in nanotechnology. But none of these new technologies have the kind of system-wide effect that information technology did. Energy does. If you want to find the next technological revolution you need to find an industry that transforms everything you do. Biotechnology affects one critical aspect of your day-to-day life, health, but not all of it. But energy--the consumption of energy--affects every human activity in the modern world. Now, my fear is that, of all the industries in the future, that's the one where we're not ahead of the pack. Are we going to run second in this race?

Friedman: Well, I want to ask you that, Fareed. Why do you think we haven't led this industry, which itself has huge technological implications? We have all the secret sauce, all the technological prowess, to lead this industry. Why do you think this is the one area--and it's enormous, it's actually going to dwarf all the others--where we haven't been at the real cutting edge?

Continue reading the Q&A between Thomas Friedman and Fareed Zakaria




Product Description
A Prophetic Assessment of America's Changing Place in an Increasingly Global Age

For Fareed Zakaria, the great story of our times is not the decline of America but rather the rise of everyone else -- the growth of countries such as China, India, Brazil, Russia, South Africa, Kenya, and many, many more. This economic growth is generating a new global landscape where power is shifting and wealth and innovation are bubbling up in unexpected places. It's also producing political confidence and national pride. As these trends continue, the push of globalization will increasingly be joined by the pull of nationalism -- a tension that is likely to define the next decades.

With his customary lucidity, insight, and imagination, Zakaria draws on lessons from the two great power shifts of the past five hundred years -- the rise of the Western world and the rise of the United States -- to tell us what we can expect from the third shift, the "rise of the rest." Washington must begin a serious transformation of global strategy and seek to share power, create coalitions, build legitimacy, and define the global agenda. None of this will be easy for the greatest power the world has ever known -- the only power that for so long has really mattered. But all that is changing now. The future we face is the post-American world.


Customer Reviews:   Read 135 more reviews...

5 out of 5 stars Where We Are Today and Where We Go From Here   April 29, 2008
Eric F. Facer (Centreville, VA)
353 out of 371 found this review helpful

Mr. Zakaria has written a short primer (250+ pages of text) about where the world is today and the role he sees the United States playing in the future. His assessment, for the most part, is fair, balanced and nonpartisan. And though the title of his treatise--The Post-American World--sounds pessimistic, in reality Mr. Zakaria sees the glass half full.

The principal weakness of the book is a product of its brevity: the author paints in broad strokes, providing a sweeping assessment of the dynamic changes that have unfolded on the world scene over the past twenty-five years. This invariably results in some over-generalizations and assessments that are not sufficiently nuanced. For example, in responding to concerns about China's growing power and influence, he quotes several Chinese officials who repeatedly reassure the listener that, notwithstanding its recent advances, China still lags behind the United States in so many areas; consequently, it poses no real threat to America or its neighbors. Instead of taking these sentiments at face value, Mr. Zakaria should remember, as Margaret Macmillan astutely noted in her recent book, "Nixon and Mao: The Week That Changed the World," that the Chinese are the past masters at using self-effacement to lure their adversaries into a state of complacency.

The greatest strengths of the book are explaining to the reader how much the world has changed over the past 25 years (did you know that China now exports more goods and services in a single day than it did in all of 1978?), while illuminating the course corrections the United States needs to make so that it can continue to influence the evolution of globalization. I was surprised to discover that the simple truths taught by Adam Smith have lifted more people above the poverty line in the last 25 years (400 million in China alone) than all the government assistance programs of all the countries in the world since the beginning of time. But I was dismayed to learn that the polices of free trade, liberal immigration, technological change and open government that are the source of this global revolution are no longer warmly received in the United States. Mr. Zakaria notes that in 2007 the Pew Global Attitudes Survey polled citizens in 47 countries for purposes of measuring the extent to which they have positive views about free trade and open markets. Guess where the U.S. came in? Dead last. Mr. Zakaria observes that in the five years the survey has been done, no country has seen as great a drop-off as the United States. It's as if, he says, that for the past sixty years we have extolled the virtues of free markets, immigration, technological change, competition, and democracy, and now that the rest of the world has finally decided to take our advice, "we are becoming suspicious of the very things we have long celebrated." (p. 48).

If you want to look in the mirror and see the warts and disappointments, along with the beauty and promise, of America, read this book. You and our country will be better for it.



5 out of 5 stars Even better than his last book   April 30, 2008
a reader (Cambridge, MA)
159 out of 175 found this review helpful

A lot of books have been appearing recently about the rise of China and India, the decline of the United States, and so forth. This is the one to read, and the one that will last.

Zakaria's last book was about "The Future of Freedom," a study of liberalism and democracy. This new one--which is even better, I think--is about the shape of the emerging international system. It's called "The Post-American World," but a better title would have been the one he gives his first chapter, "The Rise of the Rest." That's because Zakaria's central thesis is that the world is changing, but the change is largely for the better and caused by the benign development of other power centers, not some collapse or decline of the United States. The biggest challenge for America, he argues, is not terrorism or nuclear proliferation or a rising China, but rather our own ability to adapt successfully to the new environment. He favors confidence and openness rather than insecurity and barriers, and makes a convincing case.

The book has chapters on each of the major international players, and they're really well done: amazingly, he manages to paint a full portrait of, say, China or India that is intelligent, succinct, subtle, and comprehensive all at once. If you want to get a flavor of what the book has to offer, there's an article based on it in the new issue of Foreign Affairs, and there should be another one coming out in Newsweek too, apparently. The man might be a superachieving bigshot, but he sure can write--each page is lively and interesting.

So forget the angry neocons, the wild-eyed optimists, the gloom-and-doom pessimists, and the glib amateurs who don't really know anything. Read this instead, and get insight into what's actually going in the world and what should be done about it. Plus, there's just a ton of fun little nuggets you'll be itching to drop in every conversation you have about anything related.



5 out of 5 stars The Return to a Multipolar World   May 15, 2008
Izaak VanGaalen (San Francisco, CA USA)
50 out of 60 found this review helpful

Fareed Zakaria writes that three great global power shifts have occurred in the last 500 years: the first was the rise of the West with its advances in science, technology, and commerce; the second was the rise of the US, to superpower status after World War II and to hyperpower status after the Cold War; and the third - the one we are currently experiencing - is the "rise of the rest." The global dominance that the US has enjoyed is rapidly coming to an end, not because of its own missteps - there were many - but because of the extraordinary economic growth in countries such as China, India, Russia, and Brazil. Except for a few pockets of poverty, globalization has been largely successful.

The Post-American World points to the need for America to adopt new ways of doing business with the world, one that is based on "consultation, cooperation, and even compromise" as opposed to go-it-alone unilateralism. American success in the 21st century will depend on how these newly ascendant powers will be integrated into existing institutions such as the G8, the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO. Even though some of these countries do not meet Western liberal democratic standards they should not be shut out as Robert Kagan suggested in The Return of History and the End of Dreams.

Integrating autocracies such as China, Russia, and the Central Asian republics in the international liberal order will be one of the greatest challenges in international relations in the years ahead. After all, autocracies have been very successful, producing 7-10% annual growth rates. They produce great investment opportunities for foreigners. And their foreign policy of non-interference with the sovereignty of other countries has made them welcome almost everywhere. This purely pragmatic approach, although successful in economics, has many shortcomings in the political realm. Zakaria believes that although they have been successful and even popular, it is important for Western democracies to have solidarity to prevent further backsliding.

Economic growth is only one of the components that keep autocracies in power, another is nationalism. One need only look at the popularity of Putin when he defies the West or China's reaction everytime they feel slighted by foreigners. Nationalism will rise as economic fortunes rise. Zakaria, who is always reasonable and optimistic in his views, believes that nations will be reasonable too. He believes that the newly ascendant powers will not be aggressive militarily if they are embedded in the current system. China, for example, does not need to invade neighboring countries when it can buy whatever it needs. For the time being this is working, but what happens "the rest" become much more powerful and resources become even more scarce? Will the the international order hold or will nationalist impulses rule the day? Zakaria is optimistic, but he still believes that the US will have an indispensible roll in keeping this system in place.



5 out of 5 stars Most balanced analysis on the subject yet   June 30, 2008
Gaetan Lion
10 out of 13 found this review helpful

This is the best book on the subject since The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. Zakaria's analysis is balanced and insightful unlike After the Empire: The Breakdown of the American Order (European Perspectives: A Series in Social Thought and Cultural Criticism).

Zakaria benchmarks the U.S. outlook against England in the 19th century. England faded because of economic exhaustion as it became nearly bankrupt because of WWI when its debt reached 136% of GDP and interest payments amounted to 50% of its Budget. By 1945, the U.S. GDP was 10 times England. But, England extended its influence by facilitating the rise of the U.S.

The U.S. situation is different because it is a leading economy. Since the 1880s, it has been the largest economy steadily accounting for 25% of World GDP. Over the past 25 years, U.S. GDP growth has averaged 3% vs only 2% for Western Europe. While defense spending broke England's back, it accounts for only 4.1% of U.S. GDP. The U.S. Current Account Deficit (CAD) at 7% of GDP is not a concern when coupled with low unemployment, high productivity, and a world savings glut. He mentions the Smiley curve where the U.S. leads in product innovation (the smile left side) and in branding (the smile right side) where profits are generated. China leads in low cost manufacturing (the bottom of the Smiley curve) where profits are slim. Long term forecasts rank the U.S. GDP per capita way ahead of others. The U.S. is a technology leader dominating nanotech, and biotech. It invests 2.6% of GDP in higher education vs only 1.2% for Europe and Japan. In any discipline, U.S. universities routinely account for 7 of the top 10 worldwide spots.

Demography is another U.S strength. Europe is aging rapidly. This will increase its fiscal stress, shrink labor force, and slow economic growth. Many Asian countries are in the same situation. By 2010, Japan will have 3 million fewer workers than it did in 2005. But, the U.S. workforce will keep growing because it readily assimilates immigrants. The `Rise of the Rest' will mainly grab market share from Japan and Europe and not the U.S.

The U.S. has many challenges. Globalization has increased international competition. The U.S. has now one of the highest corporate tax rates because everyone lowered theirs. Due to a more efficient regulatory infrastructure London has bypassed NY as the top financial center. Jobs are going to places with well-trained workers with efficient benefit costs. U.S business can save $6,000 in health care costs per worker by moving operations to Canada.

The "rise of the rest" means mainly the rise of China and India. He dedicates chapter 4 to China (`The Challenger') and chapter 5 to India (`The Ally'). Those two economies are different. One is a top down government organized one (China). The other is a bottom up private sector driven one (India). The Chinese model creates superior infrastructure. India's model makes for superior capital allocation, and better managed companies.

China's GDP has grown by 9% p.a. for three decades. It is the world's low cost producer and is the emerging second world power. Its challenges include rapid environmental degradation, misallocation of capital due to a corrupt banking system. Its per capita GDP is still only 1/25th the U.S.

India has been the second fastest growing country, behind only China, growing at 8.5% during the 90s. But, its GDP per capita is only half China's. And 800 million Indians still live on only $2 a day. Its infrastructure is really poor. However, India's advantages include a thriving private sector with independent courts, and Rule of law. Also, unlike China it has a young population that will provide masses of able workers.

But, the growth of both China and India will test environment sustainability. Over the next 6 years China and India will build 800 coal-fired power plants with CO2 emissions five times the total savings of the Kyoto accords.

Zakaria thinks the U.S. dysfunctional Government represents the greatest threat to its economic supremacy. Policies should be implemented to boost savings, expand training in science, secure pensions, streamline immigration process, and improve energy efficiency. Yet, the entailed negotiated compromises between the parties appear impossible because of polarized politics.

Zakaria envisions we are entering the "Post-American World." There has been three major power shifts in the past 500 years. The first one was the rise of the West in the fifteenth century that produced the Italian Renaissance, Enlightenment, scientific method, and the industrial revolution. The second one was the rise of the U.S. in the 19th century leading the world in economics, science, and influence. We are transiting to the third major shift into the "Post-American World" where many nations share power. Zakaria suggests that just as England did not resist the advent of the U.S. in the 19th century, the U.S. should do the same with China and India. This would entail reforming international institutions such as the IMF, G-8, and the UN Security Council. Those institutions should reflect the new world order. If the U.S. can facilitate this transition, its influence will last longer.

He recommends the U.S. extricates itself out of the 8th century AD conflicts between Sunnis and Shiites and refocuses on China, India, and Brazil. The U.S. should develop good relations with all powers including Russia, and China. It should combat terrorism in non-military ways to avoid harming itself economically and politically by overreacting. The U.S. has to reestablish legitimacy. "It is one thing to scare your enemies; it's another to terrify the rest of the world" Today among European countries, up to 80% oppose U.S. foreign policy. For America to succeed amid the rise of the rest, it needs to remain an attractive place for immigrants.

If you enjoy this book, I also recommend his very lucid The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad, Revised Edition



5 out of 5 stars Critical reading for Americans   June 17, 2008
M. Strong (Milwaukee, WI USA)
16 out of 18 found this review helpful

This is the most insight-dense and clearly reasoned book I have read in quite some time. In it, Zakaria takes a step back and looks at where the world is today, how it got here and where it's going. Throughout that analysis, Zakaria makes one insightful and important comment after another. Americans who want a level-headed perspective on where globalization is taking the world and how the United States might fit into that scenario need look no further.

Zakaria starts with a historical overview of how some countries shut themselves off from the rest of the world and how some embraced it. Unsurprisingly, embracing the rest of the world was almost universally the more successful approach for countries, their societies and economies. From there, Zakaria explains that the United States has spent many, many years telling other countries to free up their political policies and their economies and now that it is happening, we're not always comfortable with the results.

Zakaria does a nice job providing perspective on the rise of China, India and the rest of the world and explains that even if the United States continues to grow its economy, it won't be as large as a percentage of the whole world as it has been. How positive or negative that turns out to be, Zakaria explains, is largely a matter of how we respond to the shifts taking place in the world.

Zakaria tackles some tough topics like how America handles its power on the world stage and debunks some common myths such as the one that states the United States is generating far fewer engineers and scientists than other countries. I found myself constantly re-reading passages to try to lock insights into my mind or stopping my reading to think about something I'd just read. That's the sign of a really good book.

Some reviews say the book is anti-American. I just don't agree. Zakaria takes an objective look at our country and points out plenty of good and not-so-good. For anyone or anything to improve, flaws need to be exposed, analyzed and improved. Zakaria comes across as a big fan of his adopted country who wants to see it excel in an environment that is bound to be very different from the one we've had for the last few decades. For Americans who want the same for themselves and their country, I really recommend reading this book.


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